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    Preface:

    It is now generally acknowledged that the Egyptians, of the ancient peoples, were the most learned in the Occult Sciences of Nature. The wisest of philosophers from other nations visited Egypt to be intitiated in the sacred Mysteries by the priests of Thebes, Memphis and Hermopolis. Thales, Solon, Pythagoras and Plato journeyed from Greece to the delta of the Nile in quest of knowledge. Upon returning to their own country, these illumined men acknowledged the Egyptians to be the wisest of mortals and the Egyptians temples to be repositories of the most sublime doctrines concerning the history of the Gods and the regenration of men.

    The decline of egypt under the Ptolemies resulted in dissipation of the sacred arcana and the violation of the sanctuaries of the Hermetic Gods. The priests retired into the deserts and migrated to more hospitable lands. In distant and desolate places the old rites flourished anew, and the Hierophants still delivered judgement with the fort scrolls spread before them on the altar top.

    European Culture, thwarted by the Dark Ages, languished in the Patristic dungeons, to be freed artistically by the Renaissance and religiously by the Reformation. It was not until the eighteenth century of the Christian era, however, that thought, freed from bondage to sophistry and pedantics, recognized and acknowledged the indebtedness that each generation owes to antiquity. Eighteenth century savants sought valiantly, in the ruin of time, among the battered monuments half buried in Egyptian sand for the lost keys to the sacred sciences. Only scolarship can rebuild and rededicate the ruind and desecrated shrines of the Old Wisdom.

    Dimly perceptible in the subtle hints of classical writers, arcanely intimated in symbol and fable, and thinly veiled by the great institutions of classical philosophy, the Secret Doctrine may yet be recovered to enrich and complete the material knowledge which is the boasted power of modern men.
    The fable of Isis and Osiris belongs to the earliest period of Egyptian metaphysical speculation. The myth of the Dying God recurs in most of the great World Religions. The life, death and resurrection of the immortal-mortal have become the prototype for numeroues doctrines of human regeneration.
    The Crata Repoa Rite, whic has been inserted in this book, sets forth the principal elements of the intiatory drama. Restored from the ancient authorities, though, of course, incomplete in its esoteric parts, the ritual is faintly reminiscent of the sublime  spectacles which transpired in the subterranean chambers and crypts of ancient Egyptian temples.

    He who ponders well upon the Mystery may, perchance, discover under the figures and symbols of the old ceremonies allusions to ever living qualities and ever present problems MsSVig

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    From the Wikipedia page of Baphomet

    In 1818, the name Baphomet appeared in the essay by the Viennese Orientalist Joseph Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall, Mysterium Baphometis revelatum, seu Fratres Militiæ Templi, qua Gnostici et quidem Ophiani, Apostasiæ, Idoloduliæ et Impuritatis convicti, per ipsa eorum Monumenta ("Discovery of the Mystery of Baphomet, by which the Knights Templars, like the Gnostics and Ophites, are convicted of Apostasy, of Idolatry and of moral Impurity, by their own Monuments"), which presented an elaborate pseudohistory constructed to discredit Templarist Masonry and, by extension, Freemasonry itself. Following Nicolai, he argued, using as archaeological evidence "Baphomets" faked by earlier scholars[citation needed] and literary evidence such as the Grail romances, that the Templars were Gnostics and the "Templars' head" was a Gnostic idol called Baphomet.

       His chief subject is the images which are called Baphomet ... found in several museums and collections of antiquities, as in Weimar ... and in the imperial cabinet in Vienna. These little images are of stone, partly hermaphrodites, having, generally, two heads or two faces, with a beard, but, in other respects, female figures, most of them accompanied by serpents, the sun and moon, and other strange emblems, and bearing many inscriptions, mostly in Arabic ... The inscriptions he reduces almost all to Mete[, which] ... is, according to him, not the Μητις of the Greeks, but the Sophia, Achamot Prunikos of the Ophites, which was represented half man, half woman, as the symbol of wisdom, unnatural voluptuousness and the principle of sensuality ... He asserts that those small figures are such as the Templars, according to the statement of a witness, carried with them in their coffers. Baphomet signifies Βαφη Μητεος, baptism of Metis, baptism of fire, or the Gnostic baptism, an enlightening of the mind, which, however, was interpreted by the Ophites, in an obscene sense, as fleshly union ... the fundamental assertion, that those idols and cups came from the Templars, has been considered as unfounded, especially as the images known to have existed among the Templars seem rather to be images of saints.

    Hammer's essay did not pass unchallenged, and F.J.M. Raynouard published an "Etude sur 'Mysterium Baphometi revelatum'" in Journal des savants the following year. Charles William King criticized Hammer saying he had been deceived by "the paraphernalia of ... Rosicrucian or alchemical quacks," and Peter Partner agreed that the images "may have been forgeries from the occultist workshops." At the very least, there was little evidence to tie them to the Knights Templar—in the 19th century some European museums acquired such pseudo-Egyptian objects,[citation needed] which were catalogued as "Baphomets" and credulously thought to have been idols of the Templars. MsSVig

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    G. W. F. Hegel's Lectures on the History of Philosophy
    The Lectures of 1825-1826
    Volume III: Medieval and Modern Philosophy
    Edited by Robert F. Brown

    Preface:
    This, the first volume to appear of the English translation of Hegel's Lectures on the History of Philosophy in a new edition, is  less  a beginning  than  it  is  a  stage  in  an  ongoing  project.  Its  predecessor and model is  the  recently  completed Lectures on the  Philosophy of Religion.  Dr.  Walter  Jaeschke  of  the  Hegel Archiv  staff  (Ruhr­ Universitat,  Bochum,  West  Germany)  prepared  a  new  and  much more  critical  German  edition  of  the  Philosophie  der  Religion,
    working  in  collaboration  with  Professor  Peter  C.  Hodgson  (The Divinity School, Vanderbilt University), who edited the English edi­tion and translation of it, and with Professor Ricardo Ferrara (Con­icet,  Argentina),  who  produced  a  Spanish edition.  As  work  on  the German  edition  progressed,  the  decision  was  made  to  produce  as well new editions  of  other  Hegel works also based on lecture man­uscripts  and  transcripts,  and  to  issue them  in  a  ten volume  series (G.  W.  F.  Hegel:  Vorlesungen:  Ausgewiihlte  Nachschriften  und Manuskripte). The University  of  California Press, under  an  agree­ment with the German publisher, Felix Meiner Verlag of Hamburg, is publishing all ten of the new volumes in English translation. Since the  Vorlesungen  iiher die  Geschichte der Philosophie are  included in  that  German series,  this  background  is  part  of  the  story  of  how
    our  enterprise  came  about.

    In  his  work  on  the  Lectures  on  the  Philosophy  of Religion, Hodgson  developed  and  refined  the  editorial  principles  that  will serve  all subsequent  volumes in the  English language  editions.  This translation  of the  Lectures on the  History of  Philosophy is the ben­eficiary  of  that  prior  labor,  as  it  is  of  the  experience  gained  by others  who  shared  the  work  of  translating  the  Philosophy  of  Re­ligion:  Professor  Robert F. Brown  (Philosophy,  University of Dela­
    ware) and Mr. J. Michael Stewart (retired translator for UNESCO, Paris;  now  of  Farnham,  Surrey,  England).  Hodgson  has  shifted from  the  role  of  editor  and  translator  of  individual  works  to  that of  general  editor  of  the  series.  Brown  and  Stewart  are  doing  the translation  of  these  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Philosophy,  and Brown  has  assumed  the  editorial  responsibilities.  In  addition,  we are  very  fortunate  to  be able  to  carry  over from  the  former Project to  the  present  one  our  translation  consultant,  the  eminent  Hegel authoriry  Professor  H.  S.  Harris  (York  University,  Ontario,  Can­ada),  whose advice  and criticism  greatly  enhance the  quality  of our work.  Walter Jaeschke,  coeditor  with  Pierre  Garniron  of  the  Ger­man edition  of  this  volume  (Vorlesungen  über  die  Geschichte der Philosophie,  Teil 4,  Philosophie  des  Mittelalters  und der  neueren Zeit,  Hamburg,  1986), has been  invariably  helpful  in  the  prepara­tion  of  this  English  edition,  both  by  freely  offering  advice  and  as­sistance  and  by  providing  us  first  with  typescripts  and  then  with page  proofs  from  which  to  work,  prior  to  the  appearance  of  the
    German  volume.

    Two  larger  projects  form the context or background  for the Ger­man  edition.  One  involves  the  preparations  for  publishing  Hegel's Heidelberg  and  Berlin  lecture  manuscripts,  as  well  as  the  lecture transcripts,  within the  framework  of the  Gesammelte  Werke being produced  by the  Academy  of Sciences  of Rhineland Westphalia. In the  other,  the  Centre National  de  la  Recherche  Scientifique,  Paris, is  making  the  history-of-philosophy  lectures  accessible  through  a
    combination of philosophical, translational, and editorial work. Six volumes  have  already  been published of Pierre Garniron's planned sevenvolume  French  translation  of,  and  commentary  on,  the  first edition  (Hegel:  Le(ons sur  I'hi stoiTe de  la  philosophie:  Traduction, annotation,  reconstitution  du  cours  de  1825-1826,  Paris,  1971-1985).  The  Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft  has  supported  his work, under the German-French academic exchange arrangement.

    The editors and publisher of the German edition decided to issue first  the final  volume  of  these  lectures,  that  on Medieval and Mod­ern  Philosophy.  The  treatment  of  Greek  Philosophy  will  follow, with the first volume,  on the  Introduction and Oriental Philosophy, to  come  last  in  the  order  of  publication.  In  this  way an  extensive editorial introduction explaining the whole in detail can, to best ad­vantage,  be  written  last.  Since  the  English  volumes  are  following on the heels of their German counterpatts,  the same  publication se­quence is imposed  on  us.  As this Preface is being written, the edito­rial  work  for  the  German  volumes  on  Greek  Philosophy  is  still  in
    progress,  and  that  on the first  volume  is  in  its  early  stages.  Hence the  Editorial  Introduction  is  not  a  fulldress  explanation  of  all editorial  procedures  but  only  provides  information  sufficient  to make this volume  usable  on its  own.

    We  are  indebted  to  the  following  institutions,  which  made  the German edition  possible in  its present form by granting permission to  use,  and  to  publish  the  contents  of,  the  five  lecture  transcripts for  1825-26:  the  Manuscripts  Division  of  the  Staatsbibliothek Preussischer  Kulturbesitz,  Berlin;  the  HegelArchiv  of  the  Ruhr ­Universitat,  Bochum;  the  Library  of  the  Polish  Academy  of  Sci­ences,  Cracow Division.

    The editors of the German edition received assistance from Gud­run Sikora and Dora Braun in transcribing the transcripts, in check­ing  the  final  version  with  annotations,  and  in  proofreading.
    The  National  Endowment  for  the  Humanities,  Division  of  Re­search  Programs,  provided generous financial suppott for the work on  this English edition. The University of Delaware granted the edi­tor  some  released  time  from  teaching  duties.  Without  these  forms of  support  this  timely  translation  would not  have  been  possible. Finally, many words of appreciation are due to Mary Imperatore and Dorothy Milsom, for typing our seemingly endless versions and revisions on the computer with unfailing patience and good cheer. MsSVig

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    Hegel's The First Philosophy of Right
    Lectures on Natural Right and Political Science

    Translator's preface:
    We are pleased to offer this translation of the earliest version of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, namely the lectures on "Natural Right and Political Science" delivered in Heidelberg in 1817-1818. The manuscript containing law student Peter Wannenmann's transcription of the lectures was discovered in 1982 and published a year later by the editorial staff of the Hegel Archives at the Ruhr University in Bochum. Plans for an English translation have been under ways for a decade have been delayed by various circumstances.

    The annotations to the text provided by the German editors are limited to indications of sources for quotations and references to other works occuring in the text as well as to cross-references to other passages in the text. They are not a commentary and also do not seek to comment on parallel passages in Hegel's writings. As far as possible, references are to those editions that is certain Hegel used; in other cases first editions are cited wherever possible. References are also given to modern standard editions in the original languages, but not to English translation except in the case of works by Hegel. The translators have added a few notes that call attention to significant differences between these lectures and the published version of 1821, Elements of the Philosophy of Right. For an excellent commentary see the editorial notes to the recent translation of the latter, edited by Allen W. Wood and translated by H. B. Nisber (Cambridge University Press, 1991)
    The textual apparatus of the German edition identifies all variations between Wannenmann's manuscript and the edited text. We retain only those variations that have bearing on meaning. We have reproduced the emphasized words in the dictated paragraphs; presumably the emphasis is attributable to Hegel. The expository passages following the dictation are printed in the German without breaks; we have added paragraph breaks at appropriate points.

    The translation principles guiding our work are similar to those established for other volumes in this series of Hegel Lectures; see Editorial Introduction to Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion, vol. 1 (University of California Press, 1984), pp. 52-58. In particular it should be noted that we have avoided gender-specific language as much as possible. The glossary prepared for this work draws upon the one used for the philosophy of religion and has been greatly assisted by the glossary provided in the Wood and Nisbet edition of the philosophy of right. The translation of a few specific terms is discussed in translators' notes, and German of key terms or of difficult-to-translate terms is often given in brackets in the text. We have slightly modfied and updated the bibliography; and we have added afew references to the editorial introduction by Otto Pöggeler. MsSVig

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    This wonderfully unique collaboration brings together two masters of their fields, joining original words by spiritual teacher Eckhart Tolle with delightful illustrations by Patrick McDonnell, the creator of the acclaimed comic strip MUTTS. Every heartwarming page provokes thought, insight, and smiling reverence for all beings and each moment.

    More than a collection of witty and charming drawings, the marriage of Patrick McDonnell's art and Eckhart Tolle's words conveys a profound love of nature, of animals, of humans, of all life-forms. Guardians of Being celebrates and reminds us of not only the oneness of all life but also the wonder and joy to be found in the present moment, amid the beauty we sometimes forget to notice all around us.

    “An inspired collaboration between spiritual teacher Eckhart Tolle and comic strip artist Patrick McDonnell...A book to make you wriggle with joy.”
    — O, The Oprah Magazine

    “A lovely meditation on the power and grace animals bring to our lives.”
    — The Bark

    “The gentle humor and profound insight found in this book — thoughts such as 'Allow your dog to take you for a walk every day. It's good for the body and it's good for the soul'— make it the perfect gift for animal lovers of all ages.”
    — Inspired Retailer

    “Eckhart Tolle and Patrick McDonnell fans will rejoice over Guardians of Being, the combined effort of these bestselling authors. This beautiful, thought-provoking, and enlightening book pairs Tolle's 'Power of Now' mindfulness with McDonnell's beloved MUTTS characters, showing how we can find 'true happiness in simple, seemingly unremarkable things' by simply being present, a state that our dogs naturally occupy. The skillful use of the MUTTS animals to illustrate Tolle's theme renders his philosophy into easily grasped concepts. This thoroughly charming book deserves a place on your coffee table. While you're at it, why not pick up a copy for your best friend, too?”
    — Modern Dog

    "This is a book likely to speak to dog lovers, cat lovers, art lovers, spiritual seekers, those who like to read, those who don't like to read, and pretty much anyone interested in the art of life."
    — The Christian Science Monitor

    Praise for Eckhart Tolle:
    “He is a prophet for our time.”
    — O, The Oprah Magazine

    Praise for MUTTS:
    “One of the best comic strips of all time.”
    — Charles Schulz, Peanuts creator MsSVig

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    A Treatise of Human Nature: Being an attempt to introduce the experimental Method of Reasoning into Moral subjects.

    Rara temporum felicitas, ubi sentire, quae belis; & quae sentias, decere licet.
                                                    TACIT

    Introduction:
    Nothing is more usual and more natural for those, who pretend to discover anything new to the
    world in philosophy and the sciences, than to insinuate the praises of their own systems, by
    decrying all those, which have been advanced before them. And indeed were they content with
    lamenting that ignorance, which we still lie under in the most important questions, that can come
    before the tribunal of human reason, there are few, who have an acquaintance with the sciences, that would not readily agree with them. 'Tis easy for one of judgment and learning, to perceive the weak foundation even of those systems, which have obtained the greatest credit, and have carried their pretensions highest to accurate and profound reasoning. Principles taken upon trust, consequences lamely deduced from them, want of coherence in the parts, and of evidence in the whole, these are every where to be met with in the systems of the most eminent philosophers, and seem to have drawn disgrace upon philosophy itself.

    Nor is there requir'd such profound knowledge to discover the present imperfect condition of the
    sciences, but even the rabble without doors may, judge from the noise and clamour, which t hey
    hear, that all goes not well within. There is nothing which is not the subject of debate, and in which
    men of learning are not of contrary opinions. The most trivial question escapes not our controversy,
    and in the most momentous we are not able to giv e any certain decision. Disputes are multiplied, as
    if every thing was uncertain; and these disputes are managed with the greatest warmth, as if every
    thing was certain. Amidst all this bustle 'tis not. reason, which carries the prize, but eloquence; and
    no man needs ever despair of gaining proselytes to the most extravagant hypothesis, who has art
    enough to represent it in any favourable colours. The victory is not gained by the men at arms, who
    manage the pike and the sword; but by the trumpeters, drummers, and musicians of the army.

    From hence in my opinion arises that common prejudice against metaphysical reasonings of all
    kinds, even amongst those, who profess themselves scholars, and have a just value for every other
    part of literature. By metaphysical reasonings, they do not understand those on any particular
    branch of science, but every kind of argument, which is any way abstruse, and requires some
    attention to be comprehended. We have so often lost our labour in such researches, that we
    commonly rej ect them without hesitation, and resolve, if we must for ever be a prey to errors and
    delusions, that they shall at least be natural and entertaining. And indeed nothing but the most
    determined scepticism, along with a great degree of indolence, can justif y this aversion to
    metaphysics. For if truth be at all within the reach of human capacity, 'tis certain it must lie very
    deep and abstruse: and to hope we shall arrive at it without pains, while the greatest geniuses have
    failed with the utmost pains, mustcertainly be esteemed sufficiently vain and presumptuous. I
    pretend to no such advantage in the philosophy I am going to unfold, and would esteem it a strong
    presumption against it, were it so very easy and obvious.

    'Tis evident, that all the sciences ha ve a relation, greater or less, to human nature: and that however wide any of them may seem to run from it, they still return back by one passage or another. Even. Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, and Natural Religion, are in some measure dependent on the
    science of MAN; since the lie under the cognizance of men, and are judged of by their powers and
    faculties. 'Tis impossible to tell what changes and improvements we might make in these sciences
    were we thoroughly acquainted with the extent and force of human understanding, and cou'd
    explain the nature of the ideas we employ, and of the operations we perform in our reasonings. And
    these improvements are the more to be hoped for in natural religion, as it is not content with
    instructing us in the nature of su perior powers, but carries its views farther, to their disposition
    towards us, and our duties towards them; and consequently we ourselves are not only the beings,
    that reason, but also one of the objects, concerning which we reason.

    If therefore the scien ces of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, and Natural Religion, have such a
    dependence on the knowledge of man, what may be expected in the other sciences, whose
    connexion with human nature is more close and intimate? The sole end of logic is to explain the
    principles and operations of our reasoning faculty, and the nature of our ideas: morals and criticism
    regard our tastes and sentiments: and politics consider men as united in society, and dependent on
    each other. In these four sciences of Logic, Morals, Criticism, and Politics, is comprehended almost
    everything, which it can any way import us to be acquainted with, or which can tend either to the
    improvement or ornament of the human mind.

    Here then is the only expedient, from which we can hope for success  in our philosophical
    researches, to leave the tedious lingering method, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of
    taking now and then a castle or village on the frontier, to march up directly to the capital or center
    of these sciences, to human natur e itself; which being once masters of, we may every where else
    hope for an easy victory. From this station we may extend our conquests over all those sciences,
    which more intimately concern human life, and may afterwards proceed at leisure to discover more
    fully those, which are the objects of pore curiosity. There is no question of importance, whose
    decision is not compriz'd in the science of man; and there is none, which can be decided with any
    certainty, before we become acquainted with that science. In  pretending, therefore, to explain the
    principles of human nature, we in effect propose a compleat system of the sciences, built on a
    foundation almost entirely new, and the only one upon which they can stand with any security.

    And as the science of man isthe -only solid foundation for the other sciences, so the only solid
    foundation we can (live to this science itself must be laid on experience and observation. 'Tis no
    astonishing reflection to consider, that the application of experimental philosophy to m oral subjects
    should come after that to natural at the distance of above a whole century; since we find in fact, that there was about the same interval betwixt the origins of these sciences; and that reckoning from
    THALES to SOCRATES, the space of time is  nearly equal to that betwixt, my Lord Bacon and
    some late philosophers in England, who have begun to put the science of man on a new footing, and
    have engaged the attention, and excited the curiosity of the public. So true it is, that however other
    nationsmay rival us in poetry, and excel us in some other agreeable arts, the improvements in
    reason and philosophy can only be owing to a land of toleration and of liberty.

    Nor ought we to think, that this latter improvement in the science of man will do less  honour to our
    native country than the former in natural philosophy, but ought rather to esteem it a greater glory,
    upon account of the greater importance of that science, as well as the necessity it lay under of such a reformation. For to me it seems evide nt, that the essence of the mind being equally unknown to us
    with that of external bodies, it must be equally impossible to form any notion of its powers and
    qualities otherwise than from careful and exact experiments, and the observation of those particul ar
    effects, which result from its different circumstances and situations. And tho' we must endeavour to
    render all our principles as universal as possible, by tracing up our experiments to the utmost, and
    explaining all effects from the simplest and fewestcauses, 'tis still certain we cannot go beyond
    experience; and any hypothesis, that pretends to discover the ultimate original qualities of human
    nature, ought at first to be rejected as presumptuous and chimerical.

    I do not think a philosopher, who woul d apply himself so earnestly to the explaining the ultimate
    principles of the soul, would show himself a great master in that very science of human nature,
    which he pretends to explain, or very knowing 'm what is naturally satisfactory to the mind of man.
    For nothing is more certain, than that despair has almost the same effect upon us with enjoyment,
    and that we are no sooner acquainted with the impossibility of satisfying any desire, than the desire
    itself vanishes. When we see, that we have arrived at the utmost extent of human reason, we sit
    down contented, tho' we be perfectly satisfied in the main of our ignorance, and perceive that we
    can give no reason for our most general and most refined principles, beside our experience of their
    reality; which is  the reason of the mere vulgar, and what it required no study at first to have
    discovered for the most particular and most extraordinary phaenomenon. And as this impossibility
    of making any farther progress is enough to satisfy the reader, so the writer may derive a more
    delicate satisfaction from the free confession of his ignorance, and from his prudence in avoiding
    that error, into which so many have fallen, of imposing their conjectures and hypotheses on the
    world for the most certain principles. When this mutual contentment and satisfaction can be
    obtained betwixt the master and scholar, I know not what more we can require of our philosophy.

    But if this impossibility of explaining ultimate principles should be esteemed a defect in the science
    of man, I  will venture to affirm, that 'tie a defect common to it with all the sciences, and all the arts,
    in which we can employ ourselves, whether they be such as are cultivated in the schools of the
    philosophers, or practised in the shops of the meanest artizans.None of them can go beyond
    experience, or establish any principles which are not founded on that authority. Moral philosophy
    has, indeed, this peculiar disadvantage, which is not found in natural, that in collecting its
    experiments, it cannot make them purposely, with premeditation, and after such a manner as to
    satisfy itself concerning every particular difficulty which may be. When I am at a loss to know the
    effects of one body upon another in any situation, I need only put them in that situation, and observe

    what results from it. But should I endeavour to clear up after the same manner any doubt in moral
    philosophy, by placing myself in the same case with that which I consider, 'tis evident this reflection
    and premeditation would so disturb the operationof my natural principles, as must render it
    impossible to form any just conclusion from the phenomenon. We must therefore glean up our
    experiments in this science from a cautious observation of human life, and take them as they appear
    in the common courseof the world, by men's behaviour in company, in affairs, and in their
    pleasures. Where experiments of this kind are judiciously collected and compared, we may hope to
    establish on them a science which will not be inferior in certainty, and will be much su perior in
    utility to any other of human comprehension. MsSVig

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    Essays; Moral, Political and Literary by David Hume

    DAVID HUME'S greatness was recognized in his own time, as it is today, but the writings that made Hume famous are not, by and large, the same ones that support his reputation now. Leaving aside his Enquiries, which were widely read then as now, Hume is known today chiefly through his Treatise of Human Nature and his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion. The Treatise was scarcely read at all during Hume's lifetime, however, and the Dialogues was not published until after his death. Conversely, most readers today pay little attention to Hume's various books of essays and to his History of England, but these are the works that were read avidly by his contemporaries. If one is to get a balanced view of Hume's thought, it is necessary to study both groups of writings. If we should neglect the essays or the History, then our view of Hume's aims and achievements is likely to be as incomplete as that of his contemporaries who failed to read the Treatise or the Dialogues.

    The preparation and revision of his essays occupied Hume throughout his adult life. In his late twenties, after completing three books of the Treatise, Hume began to publish essays on moral and political themes. His Essays, Moral and Political was brought out late in 1741 by Alexander Kincaid, Edinburgh's leading publisher. A second volume of essays appeared under the same title early in 1742, and later that year, a "Second Edition, Corrected" of the first volume was issued. In 1748, three additional essays appeared in a small volume published in Edinburgh and London.That volume is noteworthy as the first of Hume's works to bear his name and also as the beginning of his association with Andrew Millar as his chief London publisher. These three essays were incorporated into the "Third Edition, Corrected" of Essays, Moral and Political, which Millar and Kincaid published in the same year. In 1752, Hume issued a large number of new essays under the title Political Discourses, a work so successful that a second edition was published before the year was out, and a third in 1754.


    Early in the 1750s, Hume drew together his various essays, along with other of his writings, in a collection entitled Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. Volume 1 (1753) of this collection contains the Essays, Moral and Political and Volume 4 (1753-54) contains the Political Discourses. The two Enquiries are reprinted in Volumes 2 and 3. Hume retained the title Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects for subsequent editions of his collected works, but he varied the format and contents somewhat. A new, one-volume edition appeared under this title in 1758, and other four-volume editions in 1760 and 1770. Two-volume editions appeared in 1764, 1767, 1768, 1772, and 1777. The 1758 edition, for the first time, grouped the essays under the heading "Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary" and divided them into Parts I and II. Several new essays, as well as other writings, were added to this collection along the way.


    As we see, the essays were by no means of casual interest to Hume. He worked on them continually from about 1740 until his death, in 1776. There are thirty-nine essays in the posthumous, 1777, edition of Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (Volume 1 of Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects). Nineteen of these date back to the two original volumes of Essays, Moral and Political (1741-42). By 1777, these essays from the original volumes would have gone through eleven editions. Twenty essays were added along the way, eight were deleted, and two would await posthumous publication. Hume's practice throughout his life was to supervise carefully the publication of his writings and to correct them for new editions. Though gravely ill in 1776, Hume made arrangements for the posthumous publication of his manuscripts, including the suppressed essays "Of Suicide" and "Of the Immortality of the Soul," and he prepared for his publisher, William Strahan, the corrections for new editions of both his History of England and his Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. When Adam Smith visited Hume on August 8, 1776, a little more than two weeks before the philosopher's death on August 25, he found Hume still at work on corrections to the Essays and Treatises. Hume had earlier been reading Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead, and he speculated in jocular fashion with Smith on excuses that he might give to Charon for not entering his boat. One possibility was to say to him: "Good Charon, I have been correcting my works for a new edition. Allow me a little time, that I may see how the Public receives the alterations."

    Hume's essays were received warmly in Britain, on the Continent, where numerous translations into French, German, and Italian appeared, and in America. In his brief autobiography, My own Life, Hume speaks of his great satisfaction with the public's reception of the essays. The favorable response to the first volume of Essays, Moral and Political made him forget entirely his earlier disappointment over the public's indifference to his Treatise of Human Nature, and he was pleased that Political Discourses was received well from the outset both at home and abroad. When Hume accompanied the Earl of Hertford to Paris in 1763 for a stay of twenty-six months as Secretary of the British Embassy and finally as Chargé d'Affaires, he discovered that his fame there surpassed anything he might have expected. He was loaded with civilities "from men and women of all ranks and stations." Fame was not the only benefit that Hume enjoyed from his publications. By the 1760s, "the copy-money given me by the booksellers, much exceeded any thing formerly known in England; I was become not only independent, but opulent."

    Hume's essays continued to be read widely for more than a century after his death. Jessop lists sixteen editions or reprintings of Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects that appeared between 1777 and 1894. (More than fifty editions or reprintings of the History are listed for the same period.) The Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary were included as Volume 3 of The Philosophical Works of David Hume (Edinburgh, 1825; reprinted in 1826 and 1854) and again as Volume 3 of a later edition by T. H. Green and T. H. Grose, also entitled The Philosophical Works of David Hume (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1874-75; vol. 3, reprinted in 1882, 1889, 1898, 1907, and 1912). Some separate editions of the Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary were published as well, including the one by "The World's Classics" (London, 1903; reprinted in 1904).

    These bibliographical details are important because they show how highly the essays were regarded by Hume himself and by many others up to the present century. Over the past seventy years, however, the essays have been overshadowed, just as the History has been, by other of Hume's writings. Although some recent studies have drawn attention once again to the importance of Hume's Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary, the work itself has long been difficult to locate in a convenient edition. Some of the essays have been included in various collections, but, leaving aside the present edition, no complete edition of the Essays has appeared since the early part of the century, save for a reprinting of the 1903 World's Classics edition and expensive reproductions of Green and Grose's four-volume set of the Philosophical Works. In publishing this new edition of the Essays—along with its publication, in six volumes, of the History of England — Liberty Fund has made a neglected side of Hume's thought accessible once again to the modern reader.

    Many years after Hume's death, his close friend John Home wrote a sketch of Hume's character, in the course of which he observed: "His Essays are at once popular and philosophical, and contain a rare and happy union of profound Science and fine writing." This observation indicates why Hume's essays were held in such high esteem by his contemporaries and why they continue to deserve our attention today. The essays are elegant and entertaining in style, but thoroughly philosophical in temper and content. They elaborate those sciences—morals, politics, and criticism—for which the Treatise of Human Nature lays a foundation. It was not simply a desire for fame that led Hume to abandon the Treatise and seek a wider audience for his thought. He acted in the belief that commerce between men of letters and men of the world worked to the benefit of both. Hume thought that philosophy itself was a great loser when it remained shut up in colleges and cells and secluded from the world and good company. Hume's essays do not mark an abandonment of philosophy, as some have maintained, but rather an attempt to improve it by having it address the concerns of common life. MsSVig

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    This book, uniform in style and presentation with my earlier Freemasons' Guide and Compendium, which, in the main, dealt with Craft masonry, is an attempt to provide a simple explanation of the origin, rise, and development, and the customs, ritual, and symbolism, of Royal Arch masonry so far as present knowledge and considerations of Masonic propriety permit. I use the word ‘attempt' advisedly, for great difficulties are in the way of complete achievement in writing historically of this "elusive degree," although, let me say, in the task of coping
    with them I have been greatly cheered by recollections of the indulgence given me by readers of my earlier book.

    The greatest obstacle in the path of the writer seeking to explain the early history of Royal Arch masonry is his comparative ignorance of the formative days of the Order—the mid-eighteenth-century period. The facts on record are not enough to preclude different interpretations and conflicting views. Perhaps it is a slight compensation that the traditional history upon which the ceremonial of the Order is founded was clearly anticipated in published writings to an extent considerably greater than in the case of the Craft, for where as, for example, there is hardly any recorded foreknowledge of the Third Degree Hiramic story, the Legend of the Crypt might well have been inspired by one known to have been in written form in the fourth century of the Christian era, while the sword-and-trowel motif, derived from the Old Testament account of the return of the Jews from exile, was the pride and glory of a Crusading Order of the early Middle Ages.

    What I have tried to do in writing this book is to make available to Companions who have had little opportunity for specialized study an essentially readable account, as authentic as possible, of the history and lore of the Royal Arch, affording an insight into some matters which in the past have tended to escape the attention of all but the serious student. Not only do I hope that my readers will enjoy reading my book, but that some few of them will be able to use it as a source of material for short, simple addresses designed to arouse and foster the interest of their Companions. And most sincerely, also, do I hope that the serious student will find in it occasion for kindly,   constructive criticism; indeed, I am sure he will,   for there are wide and unavoidable differences of opinion on some of the subjects discussed by me.

    The title of this book may be thought to err by omission. In as much as the Articles of Union,   1813,   use the term   ‘Holy Royal Arch'  and the early Companions knew the Order by that name,   it may be thought that the word   ‘Holy'  ought to be
    included in the title and commonly used in the text. True, there is history in the word.   ‘Holy'  is thought to have been derived
    more than two centuries ago from the ‘ Antient' masons' motto, "Holiness to the Lord"; or to have been inspired by the Holy of Holies,   the Inner Chamber of the Temple Sanctuary;  or,   again, to have reflected the religious, and even Christian, character of
    the primitive Royal Arch ceremonial. But it is to be noted that it is only sparingly used nowadays in the accepted rituals, and – a
    fact that has mainly influenced me—it does not form part of the titles of the Grand Chapters of England, Ireland, and Scotland.

    So great a part of our knowledge of Royal Arch matters having been revealed by modern,   and even quite recent,   research,   it follows that old time writings on the subject need generally to be read with caution.   In no section of Masonic authorship has history been so badly served as in that of the Royal Arch, where the blending of fact and fancy so often causes the reader perplexity. I hope that my readers will do their best to approach this book with minds open and as free as possible of
    preconceptions.

    In preparing myself for my task I have necessarily ranged over a wide variety of writings,   and hope that I may fairly claim for this book what my old friend the late J.   Heron Lepper so appreciatively said of my earlier one-namely,   that   "it provides the man who has small leisure for extensive reading with the essence and marrow of what has been accomplished in two generations of Masonic scholarship."  The List of Contents and the 16-page Index reveal at a glance the very wide scope of my book. My qualifications as a Royal Arch mason may be briefly stated: I was exalted in the Savage Club Chapter,   No.   2190,   in 1913, and was in the First Principal's Chair in 1925-26. The writing of Masonic books comes at the end of a long and active life spent largely as an editor of technical books and periodicals.   After much desultory Masonic reading and some modest lecturing I settled down in 1945 to serious work preparatory to writing my Freemasons'  Guide and Compendium,   which was published in 1950,  since when I have applied myself more especially to the study of Royal Arch masonry, and of that study this book offers the more particular fruit.

    Slight disparity between the opinions now expressed, particularly in the early sections of this book,   and some in my other work may possibly give occasion for comment.   I confess that,   with still wider reading and much further meditation, assisted by the results of recent research,   I have come to regard the origin and rise of Royal Arch masonry in what I believe to be a truer perspective, allowing of my taking a more generous view of some of the questions involved. But I am very far from pretending that I am able   (or that anybody ever will be able)   to offer a noncontroversial account of the early history of the Order. I am happy in acknowledging very considerable help extended to me in the course of gathering material for this book, and it is with gratitude that I mention especially one source of information to which I am under a heavy obligation: the late J. Heron Lepper,   Librarian and Curator   (1943-52)   of the United Grand Lodge of England, a man of great gifts and considerable achievement,   wide learning,   and with profound knowledge of Masonic history,   built up over the course of years a most unusual file of Royal Arch information neither now nor then normally available for reference), with possibly some idea that, given opportunity,   he might one day turn it to account in the printed word.   Such a book,   had he been spared to write it, would have been a classic,   and mine would have remained unwanted and unwritten. But his opportunity did not come, for, to the sorrow of us all, he died at Christmas 1952, at the age of seventy-four.   By unique good fortune,   to which my book owes very much indeed,   his successor,   Ivor Grantham,   courteously extended to me the privilege of working steadily through Heron Lepper's file and of taking copies of any of its contents, and for
    this great kindness-just one of a great many from the same hands – I shall ever be grateful.

    My debt to two other sources,   Ars Quatuor Coronatorum  (the "Transactions"   of Quatuor Coronati Lodge,   No.   2076,   the world's   premier   lodge   of   Masonic   research)   and   Miscellanea Latomorum   (let   us   hope   only   temporarily   suspended),   is   a heavy  one,   for   there  is  little  on  my  subject   in  the  lengthy  files of   these   publications   that   I   have   not   read   in   my   search   for enlightenment. All Masonic authors of to-day have reason to be grateful to these two remarkable founts of knowledge. T o many  of my fellow-members of the Quatuor Coronati  Lodge (all   of   them   authors   of   Masonic   writings)   I   offer   thanks   for many   marked   kindnesses  -  as,   for   example,   to   John   R. Dashwood   (Secretary   and   Editor   of   the   lodge   "Transactions"), for   many   privileges,   especially   his   help   in   connection   with   the history   of   the   First   Grand   Chapter   and   his   kindness   in   finding and   lending   illustrations.   (His   publication,   in   the   lodge "Transactions," of the actual record of the interrogation of John Coustos by the Inquisition (1743 and 1744) and of the minutes of   the  chapter   that   so  quickly  became  the  First   Grand  Chapter (1766),   with   his   comments   thereon,   gives   us   two   of   the   most notable recent contributions   to   authentic   Masonic   history.   I   have   well   profited   by them.)   Also,   I would thank Harry Carr,   for his painstaking revision of the section on the Ineffable Name;   George S. Draffen (Grand Librarian, Grand Lodge of Scotland), for placing his manuscript The Triple Tau at my disposal in advance of publication and for permission to quote from it;   Gilbert Y. Johnson,   for help in connection with the history of York Royal Arch masonry and for lending me his writings on the subject; Bruce W. Oliver, for his loan of an old manuscript. Ritual, of which I have been able to make considerable use;   Sydney Pope,   for arranging for the photographing of an ancient banner preserved in the Canterbury Masonic Museum,   of which he is Curator; Norman Rogers,  for help in general and for the loan of his MS. on Royal Arch masonry in Lancashire;   Fred L.   Pick,   for arranging for the loan of many photographs, some preserved in the museum of which he is Curator and others belonging to the Manchester Association of Masonic Research;   John R.   Rylands, for reading two early sections,   the loan of his papers on Yorkshire Royal Arch masonry,   and permission to use his photographs of the Wakefield jewels;   William Waples,   for his many notes on North-east Royal Arch masonry and for permission to use two photographs;   and Eric Ward,   for providing me with copies of minutes of old military chapters.

    Also,   I wish to thank Ward K.   St Clair,   Chairman,   Library and Museum Committee,   Grand Lodge of New York,   U.S.A.,   for his courtesy and for permission to quote from his MS.   paper relating to the   "Past Master Degree"   in United States freemasonry;   Norman Hackney,   for the use of photograph and description of an ancient Indian metal plate carrying significant symbols; G. S. Shepherd-Jones, for the use I have made of his explanation of the symbolism of the Royal Arch jewel;   C.   F. Waddington,   for his help in connection with some of the Bristol ceremonies;   and the great many lodges and chapters whose records I have quoted and whose treasured possessions I have, in some cases,   been able to illustrate,   suitably acknowledged where possible. I take particular pleasure in recording my great debt to members of the staff of the Library and Museum,   Freemasons' Hall,   London,  who over a period of years have freely given me of their knowledge, and have allowed me, times out of number, to bother them in my search for information.   T o the Librarian and Curator,   to whom I have already referred;   the Assistant Librarian,   Edward Newton   (who has suffered much of my importunity);   to H.   P.   Smith and T.   Barlow,   members of the staff to all of them I offer my warm thanks for assistance in so many,   many matters;   to Henry F.   D.   Chilton,   the Assistant Curator, I record my sincere appreciation of his helping choosing from among the Museum exhibits many of the diverse subjects included in the thirty-one photographic plates with which the Publisher has so generously adorned this book.   In this connection I wish to thank the United Grand Lodge,   the Supreme Grand Chapter,   and also Quatuor Coronati Lodge for their loan of a great many of the illustrations,   and the first named for its particular kindness in taking the trouble on my behalf of having photographs made of a number of its Library and Museum treasures.

    It will be understood, therefore, that it is with a lively sense of the help I myself have enjoyed that I now address myself to Companions everywhere in the hope that my book,   in adding, as I trust, to their knowledge of Royal Arch masonry, will serve also to add to the happiness and satisfaction which they derive from membership of the Order.

    B.E.J.
    BOLNEY 11
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    Foreword by the LateJ. H. Lepper P. G. D.
    Librarian and Curator to the United Grand Lodge of England 1943-1952

    It gives me great pleasure to introduce Brother Bernard Jones to what I am confident will
    prove an  ever-increasing circle of those interested in the history and antiquities of the
    Craft of freemasonry. The aim of this book is to make available in a convenient form and size all those
    advances in our knowledge due to masonic historians and students of research during the
    past  sixty years. That knowledge is scattered through a great variety of books and
    pamphlets, and no  small amount of time and trouble has gone to the making of what
    might justly be termed a handbook of masonic lore.

    The book is unique in that it provides the man who has small leisure for extensive
    reading with the essence and marrow of what has been accomplished in two generations
    of masonic scholarship-generations, moreover, that have produced the greatest names in
    this field of study.

    While the contents of this book consist in the main of hard fact supported  by
    appropriate evidence, the author in pursuing his design has had to refer to various
    theories, sometimes conflicting, that have at different times enjoyed popular support. To
    my mind he has approached this phase of his subject with admirable discretion, setting
    forth the hypotheses and then leaving the reader, after examination of the pros and cons,
    to form his  own judgement about their credibility. He acts as an expositor, not as an
    iconoclast or partisan.

    That being the scheme of the book, it will be patent to every reader of intelligence
    that the writer of this foreword is in no sense responsible for any of the opinions to  be
    found in it. I must, however, express the gratification I feel that Bernard Jones has joined
    the band of those who are trying with proper discretion and caution to spread more light
    among the collective members of the masonic Order.

    Preface by Author:
    THE addition of one more book on freemasonry to the many thousands already in
    existence must invite a very proper question. Is it wanted? If not, there can he no excuse
    for publishing it. Let the reader judge when 1 say  that my real object in writing it has
    been to provide the young mason with a concise, simply worded, and comprehensive
    guide to the Craft, an explanation of everything in the growth and present practice of
    freemasonry that (with masonic propriety) can be discussed in  print. This book is
    intended for the ordinary member of the ordinary lodge,  who usually has neither time
    nor facilities for making a regular  study of freemasonry yet feels a definite need of
    instruction, but I hope that the serious student will find in it a few things new to him and
    possibly some ideas that will provoke his thought.

    The lack of a book on the lines of this present one must have been felt by every
    young mason who wishes, for example, to  assure himself as to the exact nature of
    freemasonry's claim to  be an ancient system and who seeks a clear view of the rise and
    emergence of speculative masonry, a view  not rose-coloured by romantic fictions or
    overlaid with  hoary fallacies; who wants to know how the system of masonic
    government developed, how the appointments of his lodge were derived, how the rituals
    came to assume their form,  and whence came the many curious masonic customs and
    how they have been influenced in the course of history.

    Robert Freke Gould, still the greatest name in masonic literature, said in 1885,
    "The few students of our [masonic] antiquities address themselves, not  so much to the
    Craft at large, as to each other., They are sure of a select and appreciative audience, and
    they make no real effort to popularize truths. . . ." His words apply with nearly as much
    force to-day as when he wrote them, and  the need to do what the older students have
    largely left undone is no small part of the inspiration that led me  to my task and
    maintained me in the doing of it.

    Every mason has received the injunction to make a daily advancement in masonic
    knowledge, but he seldom or never has an easy means of doing so. 1 trust this book will
    provide that means, that it will serve to enlarge or even open up the  young mason's
    interest and give him a
    new joy in masonry, and that in hundreds of lodges lecturers will  find in my pages
    material upon which they can base modest and plainly worded talks of a kind which I
    know, from my own personal experience, the brethren welcome and appreciate.
    I did not decide to write this book until I had assured myself that what I had in mind was
    what my brethren in the lodges did in fact need, and that I either had or could acquire the
    necessary qualifications for the task. Although I had been long aware that such a book
    was wanted, it was not until I  had had heart-to-heart talks with Brother J. Heron Lepper
    that I determined to devote a few of my remaining years to the task of writing it. Brother
    Lepper did two things. He finally convinced me of the need for the book. As Librarian
    and Curator at Freemasons' Hall, as the Treasurer  of Quatuor Coronati Lodge, as a
    masonic authority and historian, and as one to whom freemasons all over the world go
    for information, he had a unique qualification to advise as to the kind of book I  should
    write. Of his rich store of advice he gave freely and gladly, and I well know that the
    thanks I now tender  him must inevitably be inadequate. I particularly appreciate his
    kindness in writing a foreword to this book. The second thing he did was to assure me,
    from a personal knowledge based upon an editorial association a score of years back, that
    he believed I, was the man to attempt what both of us, as book craftsmen, knew to be a
    considerable task-one calling for hard work, steady application, wide yet critical reading,
    a flair for explanation, and ever a clear vision of the purpose that inspired the original
    intention.
    As to my qualifications, I was  initiated in 1905 in a lodge consisting almost
    entirely of authors, journalists, and artists, and in due course passed to the chair and to
    the Royal Arch and Mark Degrees.  I have had thirty years as Secretary of my mother
    lodge, a particularly rich and useful experience. As it so happens that I have spent  fifty
    years in the editorial production of books and journals dealing with a variety of practical
    subjects, including architecture and building, all written from the one point of view of
    instructing the uninformed reader, it should follow that I ought  to have some
    acquaintance with the art of  teaching by the printed word. May it prove that my
    craftsmanship is equal to my high purpose!

    The point may fairly be stressed that this book presents in general an essentially
    modern treatment. The old-fashioned masonic books so often tell a story that is more
    romantic than factual, and repeat fallacies that should long ago have died a natural death.
    They have a way of mixing up fact and fiction  so that only a well-versed student can
    safely pick his way through them and they tend to give new life to unreliable stories and
    ideas that were either invented or put into new dress by Anderson in his  Constitutions  of
    1723. Fallacies die hard, very hard indeed.

    This book, being based as far as possible on modern research, is believed to be as
    authentic as the present state of knowledge permits, and the fact that it has been read in
    manuscript by Brother the Rev. Herbert Poole and one chapter of it ("Initiation") in proof
    by Brother Fred L. Pick is in itself an assurance on this point. Both of these brethren are
    well-known authorities and Past Masters of Quatuor Coronati Lodge. Brother Poole is
    the editor of its Transactions, and the author of many contributions to masonic literature;
    while Brother Pick is editor of the Transactions of the  Manchester Association for
    Masonic Research, and is also an experienced masonic author. My warm thanks are due
    to both of them.

    Failing the explanation I am now about to make, Brother Herbert Poole might be
    fathered with certain opinions for which he may have no use. It so happens that in one or
    two matters relating to the  emergence and early history of speculative masonry,
    particularly Scottish, I have been led to take views with  which Brother Poole is not
    always in sympathy. Where I have failed, in spite of all his patience, to  see eye to eye
    with him, I have tried fairly to present both sides of the question, but my readers will
    understand that in no case should Brother Poole be saddled with opinions here given
    other than those to which his name is attached.

    The scope of this book is believed to be far wider than that of any explanatory
    work yet offered to the English-speaking mason, a claim which a glance at the List of
    Contents - or even at the Index, containing more than seven thousand items - will, I
    think,  confirm. Obviously the book includes a considerable amount of historical matter,
    but I offer it to the Craft as an explanatory rather than as an historical work. While I have
    written chiefly for my brethren in the lodges, I have addressed two long  and special
    chapters to Royal Arch and Mark Masons; in them and in many earlier chapters they will
    find much to help them to understand the rise and development of the degrees in which
    they are specially interested. With regard to the many additional degrees, lack of space
    has forced me to content myself with no more than a brief introduction and list.

    In immediate preparation for the writing of this book I spent more than a year in
    reading and in the making of notes. Boswell told Dr Johnson "that the greatest part of a
    writer's time is spent in reading, in order to write; a man will turn over half a library to
    make one book." That certainly is true in my case, for I found it necessary to read, or at
    any rate to consult,  many hundreds of books, and to digest whatever in them offered
    itself to my purpose.

    Some readers may object to the length of the book. I wish it were smaller, and I
    tried hard to make it so but failed, although I could easily,
    time permitting, have made it many times larger. My problem was to decide what I dare
    omit, and in this regard I worked to one criterion: would the information in question help
    the young mason to a better understanding of his Craft? If the answer was yes, then I did
    my best to include it. I may be asked why the reader is expected  to plough through
    sections telling the story of architecture, medieval operative masonry, and the medieval
    guilds, a question I might evade by saying that he can easily skip them if he so wishes,
    although I am convinced that later he will turn to them as he comes to realize that in the
    Gothic period of English building and in the life of the guilds and other fraternities that
    flourished in its day the roots of modern speculative masonry have many a tenacious
    hold. But let any impatient reader make a start, if he so wishes, with the chapter on the
    London Company and the Acception, or with the following one on the emergence of
    speculative masonry, thus beginning the story in the seventeenth century; I feel sure that,
    in time, he will feel obliged to turn back to the earlier pages.

    The foundation of my masonic reading was Gould's  three-volume  History of
    Freemasonry(1884-1887), in  the production of which the author had the help of many
    fine masonic scholars who later came together to found the world's premier lodge of
    masonic research (Quatuor  Coronati). The young mason generally finds Gould hard
    going, but  his work is undoubtedly, and always has been, the outstanding history of
    freemasonry, and I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to it. On  Gould I founded
    my masonic education. On  Ars Quatuor Coronatorum, the Transactions of  Quatuor
    Coronati Lodge, No. 2076, I carried it further. Since the 1880's members of that Lodge
    have been patiently collecting and sifting masonic evidence and communicating the results
    in the form of papers read to the Lodge and afterwards printed in the annual transactions.
    I made myself acquainted with the contents of well over fifty volumes  of those
    transactions before I wrote a word, and I frankly confess that so very much of  what is
    authentic in my book was  originally communicated to the Quatuor Coronati Lodge. In
    common with all other masonic writers, I was remarkably fortunate in having such a
    source of information to my hand, and in being able, at will, to pick  the best brains in
    English -speaking freemasonry-and to pick them, in my particular case,  on behalf of
    younger brethren seldom if ever able to find time for such a lengthy task.

    Next comes my heavy indebtedness to Miscellanea Latomorum -the masonic 'Notes and
    Queries'-a most valuable little print which unfortunately has found the difficulties of the
    times too much for it and has now temporarily closed down to await easier conditions. I
    have also found useful the transactions of some of the societies for masonic research
    in particular those of the Merseyside Association. I have referred to many Lodge histories
    and have consulted and abstracted a considerable number of books on freemasonry, as
    well as a host of books not specifically masonic. The bibliography at the end of the book
    includes at best only a selection from the many works to which 1 have gone for help.

    My method in writing this book has been to elucidate the facts of masonic history,
    tradition, and lore  where I could do so, rather than indulge in imaginative conjecture.
    Facts are better than guesses, better than imagination; but all three have their place when
    we come to consider matters in which knowledge of some of the facts died long ago with
    the brethren  concerned in them-brethren who did not make records or, at any rate,
    refused to keep them. Every masonic author must have a proper regard for tradition, for
    in it is "a nucleus of truth  to be sought diligently." The story of freemasonry is not a
    simple catalogue such as one may read of the names and personalities of the kings and
    queens of England. Parts of the story are missing where they are most needed, just where
    we have the keenest desire to know what happened. Obviously there is no finality in a
    great many of the subjects discussed. Learned authors have been arguing over them for a
    century or more, and will go on arguing, so we must ever  be on our guard against
    pronouncing what pretends to be a final verdict. There is yet so much to learn.

    While I have naturally had first in my mind my brethren of the English lodges, I
    have taken great care to see that the book contains much of direct appeal and usefulness to
    the Irish and  Scots freemason, to the freemasons of the Dominions overseas, as well as
    those of the many thousands of lodges in the U.S.A. It must never be forgotten that the
    story of English and Scottish freemasonry in the  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is
    actually the story of the emergence of  World  freemasonry, and that every  one of the
    scores of thousands of speculative lodges throughout the world  is a daughter-though
    perhaps many  places removed-of the handful of English, Irish, and Scottish lodges
    working in those same centuries.

    It has been a  source of great happiness to me that I have been writing a book
    designed to help my brother  masons. The Right Hon. Winston Churchill has said that
    writing a long and substantial book is like having friend and companion at your
    side, to whom you can always turn for comfort and amusement, and whose
    society becomes more attractive as a new and widening field of interest is lighted
    in the mind.

    He clothes in eloquent words an experience which in great good fortune came to me. My
    book was a friend and companion all through the period of its production, every chapter a
    new pleasure, a welcome endeavour.

    A word now on one or two practical matters that require explanation. Reference in
    much later pages to the Constitutions'means the 1940 edition of the Constitutionsof the
    United Grand Lodge  of England.  A.Q.C. means  Ars Quatuor Coronatorum, the
    Transactions of the Quatuor Coronati Lodge, No. .2076. A bare reference to " Gould "
    means Gould's original three-volume  History of Freemasonry.I make hundreds of
    references to 'Antients' and 'Modems.' I spell the ordinary word, ancient,' carrying the
    ordinary meaning, always with a 'c,' even when I quote the word from sources in which
    the word is spelt with a 't.' But I allude to  the opponents of the Premier Grand Lodge of
    England as 'Antients, and never by any chance as 'Ancients,' quite regardless of how the
    word is spelt in any source from which I may be quoting .Similarly, the ordinary word
    'modem' carries the ordinary meaning, but the  appellations 'Antient' and 'Modern' are
    always given with capital letters and in  single quotation marks, as in this present
    sentence.

    Much of my four years of work in producing this book has been done in the
    Library and Museum at Freemasons' Hall, London, where Brother J. Heron Lepper and
    his staff patiently and generously afforded me many facilities. To the Assistant Librarian,
    Brother W. Ivor Grantham, and the assistant Curator, Brother Henry F. D. Chilton, I am
    deeply obliged for all their help and for all the trouble taken on my behalf (and very much
    on my readers' behalf) so readily and courteously.

    For permission to use the photographs, prints, etc.,  comprising the thirty-one
    full-page plates, I am under a chief obligation to the Grand Lodge of England and to the
    Quatuor Coronati Lodge, and I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to the Grand
    Lodge of Scotland; the Britannic Lodge, No. 33; Brothers H. Hiram  Hallett and Bruce
    W. Oliver; and the Whitworth Art Gallery,  Manchester. With regard to the line
    illustrations in the text, I wish to thank an architectural student, Herbert F. Day, for going
    to the trouble of making a number of special drawings to meet my needs.

    I must confess that, in spite of all the care taken to avoid blemish and error, it is
    quite unlikely that a book of this particular kind could be immune from the perils that
    beset the printed word, and it  would be idle to suppose that it does not present many
    opportunities for criticism. Well, Dr Johnson thought it was advantageous to an author
    that his book should be attacked as well as praised! I can only repeat that I have done my
    best to produce a plainly worded but authentic book of wide scope to meet the needs of
    young and intelligent brethren anxious  to make a daily advancement in masonic
    knowledge-and, for the rest, let me beg the never failing indulgence of the Craft.

    B. E. J.
    BOLNEY
    SUSSEX MsSVig

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    Immanuel Kant (1724-1804)
    Immanuel Kant was born in the East Prussian city of Königsberg, studied at its university, and worked there as a tutor and professor for more than forty years, never traveling more than fifty miles from home. Although his outward life was one of legendary calm and regularity, Kant's intellectual work easily justified his own claim to have effected a Copernican revolution in philosophy. Beginning with his Inaugural Dissertation (1770) on the difference between right- and left-handed spatial orientations, Kant patiently worked out the most comprehensive and influential philosophical program of the modern era. His central thesis—that the possibility of human knowledge presupposes the active participation of the human mind—is deceptively simple, but the details of its application are notoriously complex.

    Introduction:
    These Prolegomena are destined for the use, not of pupils, but of future teachers, and even the latter should not expect that they will be serviceable for the systematic exposition of a ready-made science, but merely for the discovery of the science itself.

    There are scholarly men, to whom the history of philosophy (both ancient and modern) is philosophy itself; for these the present Prolegomena are not written. They must wait till those who endeavor to draw from the fountain of reason itself have completed their work; it will then be the historian's turn to inform the world of what has been done. Unfortunately, nothing can be said, which in their opinion has not been said before, and truly the same prophecy applies to all future time; for since the human reason has for many centuries speculated upon innumerable objects in various ways, it is hardly to be expected that we should not be able to discover analogies for every new idea among the old sayings of past ages.

    My object is to persuade all those who think metaphysics worth studying, that it is absolutely necessary to pause a moment, and, neglecting all that has been done, to propose first the preliminary question, 'Whether such a thing as metaphysics be at all possible?'

    If it be a science, how comes it that it cannot, like other sciences, obtain universal and permanent recognition ? If not, how can it maintain its pretensions, and keep the human mind in suspense with hopes, never ceasing, yet never fulfilled? Whether then we demonstrate our knowledge or our ignorance in this field, we must come oncefor all to a definite conclusion respecting the nature of this so-called science, which cannot possibly remain on its present footing. It seems almost ridiculous, while every other science is continually advancing, that in this, which pretends to be Wisdom incarnate, for whose oracle every one inquires, we should constantly move round the same spot, without gaining a single step. And so its followers having melted away, we do not find men confident of their ability to shine in other sciences venturing their reputation here, where everybody, however ignorant in other matters, may deliver a final verdict, as in this domain there is as yet no standard weight and measure to distinguish sound knowledge from shallow talk.

    After all it is nothing extraordinary in the elaboration of a science, when men begin to wonder how far it has advanced, that the question should at last occur, whether and how such a science is possible? Human reason so delights in constructions, that it has several times built up a tower, and then razed it to examine the nature of the foundation. It is never too late to become wise; but if the change comes late, there is always more difficulty in starting a reform.

    The question whether a science be possible, presupposes a doubt as to its actuality. But such a doubt offends the men whose whole possessions consist of this supposed jewel; hence he who raises the doubt must expect opposition from all sides. Some, in the proud consciousness of their possessions, which are ancient, and therefore considered legitimate, will take their metaphysical compendia in their hands, and look down on him with contempt; others, who never see anything except it be identical with what they have seen before, will not understand him, and everything will remain for a time, as if nothing had happened to excite the concern, or the hope, for an impending change.

    Nevertheless, I venture to predict that the independent reader of these Prolegomena will not only doubt his previous science, but ultimately be fully persuaded, that it cannot exist unless the demands here stated on which its possibility depends, be satisfied; and, as this has never been done, that there is, as yet, no such thing as metaphysics. But as it can never cease to be in demand,  – since the interests of common sense are intimately interwoven with it, he must confess that a radical reform, or rather a new birth of the science after an original plan, are unavoidable, however men may struggle against it for a while.

    Since the Essays of Locke and Leibniz, or rather since the origin of metaphysics so far as we know its history, nothing has ever happened which was more decisive to its fate than the attack made upon it by David Hume. He threw no light on this species of knowledge, but he certainly struck a spark from which light might have been obtained, had it caught some inflammable substance and had its smoldering fire been carefully nursed and developed.

    Hume started from a single but important concept in metaphysics, viz., that of Cause and Effect (including its derivatives force and action, etc.). He challenges reason, which pretends to have given birth to this idea from herself, to answer him by what right she thinks anything to be so constituted, that if that thing be posited, something else also must necessarily be posited; for this is the meaning of the concept of cause. He demonstrated irrefutably that it was perfectly impossible for reason to think a priori and by means of concepts a combination involving necessity. We cannot at all see why, in consequence of the existence of one thing, another must necessarily exist, or how the concept of such a combination can arise a priori. Hence he inferred, that reason was altogether deluded with reference to this concept, which she erroneously considered as one of her children, whereas in reality it was nothing but a bastard of imagination, impregnated by experience, which subsumed certain representations under the Law of Association, and mistook the subjective necessity of habit for an objective necessity arising from insight. Hence he inferred that reason had no power to think such, combinations, even generally, because her concepts would then be purely fictitious, and all her pretended a priori cognitions nothing but common experiences marked with a false stamp. In plain language there is not, and cannot be, any such thing as metaphysics at all.  

    However hasty and mistaken Hume's conclusion may appear, it was at least founded upon investigation, and this investigation deserved the concentrated attention of the brighter spirits of his day as well as determined efforts on their part to discover, if possible, a happier solution of the problem in the sense proposed by him, all of which would have speedily resulted in a complete reform of the science.

    But Hume suffered the usual misfortune of metaphysicians, of not being understood. It is positively painful to see bow utterly his opponents, Reid, Oswald, Beattie, and lastly Priestley, missed the point of the problem; for while they were ever taking for granted that which he doubted, and demonstrating with zeal and often with impudence that which he never thought of doubting, they so misconstrued his valuable suggestion that everything remained in its old condition, as if nothing had happened.

    The question was not whether the concept of cause was right, useful, and even indispensable for our knowledge of nature, for this Hume had never doubted; but whether that concept could be thought by reason a priori, and consequently whether it possessed an inner truth, independent of all experience, implying a wider application than merely to the objects of experience. This was Hume's problem. It was a question concerning the origin, not concerning the indispensable need of the concept. Were the former decided, the conditions of the use and the sphere of its valid application would have been determined as a matter of course.

    But to satisfy the conditions of the problem, the opponents of the great thinker should have penetrated very deeply into the nature of reason, so far as it is concerned with pure thinking,-a task which did not suit them. They found a more convenient method of being defiant without any insight, viz., the appeal to common sense.It is indeed a great gift of God, to possess right, or (as they now call it) plain common sense. But this common sense must be shown practically, by well- considered and reasonable thoughts and words, not by appealing to it as an oracle, when no rational justification can be advanced. To appeal to common sense, when insight and science fail, and no sooner- this is one of the subtle discoveries of modern times, by means of which the most superficial ranter can safely enter the lists with the most thorough thinker, and hold his own. But as long as a particle of insight remains, no one would think of having recourse to this subterfuge. For what is it but an appeal to the opinion of the multitude, of whose applause the philosopher is ashamed, while the popular charlatan glories and confides in it? I should think that Hume might fairly have laid as much claim to common sense as Beattie, and in addition to a critical reason (such as the latter did not possess), which keeps common sense in check and prevents it from speculating, or, if speculations are under discussion restrains the desire to decide because it cannot satisfy itself concerning its own arguments. By this means alone can common sense remain sound. Chisels and hammers may suffice to work a piece of wood, but for steel-engraving we require an engraver's needle. Thus common sense and speculative understanding are each serviceable in their own way, the former in judgments which apply immediately to experience, the latter when we judge universally from mere concepts, as in metaphysics, where sound common sense, so called in spite of the inapplicability of the word, has no right to judge at all.

    I openly confess, the suggestion of David Hume was the very thing, which many years ago first interrupted my dogmatic slumber, and gave my investigations in the field of speculative philosophy quite a new direction. I was far from following him in the conclusions at which he arrived by regarding, not the whole of his problem, but a part, which by itself can give us no information. If we start from a well-founded, but undeveloped, thought, which another has bequeathed to us, we may well hope by continued reflection to advance farther than the acute man, to whom we owe the first spark of light.

    I therefore first tried whether Hume's objection could not be put into a general form, and soon found that the concept of the connection of cause and effect was by no means the only idea by which the understanding thinks the connection of things a priori, but rather that metaphysics consists altogether of such connections. I sought to ascertain their number, and when I had satisfactorily succeeded in this by starting from a single principle, I proceeded to the deduction of these concepts, which I was now certain were not deduced from experience, as Hume had apprehended, but sprang from the pure understanding. This deduction (which seemed impossible to my acute predecessor, which bad never even occurred to any one else, though no one had hesitated to use the concepts without investigating the basis of their objective validity) was the most difficult task ever undertaken in the service of metaphysics; and the worst was that metaphysics, such as it then existed, could not assist me in the least, because this deduction alone can render metaphysics possible. But as soon as I had succeeded in solving Hume's problem not merely in a particular case, but with respect to the whole faculty of pure reason, I could proceed safely, though slowly, to determine the whole sphere of pure reason completely and from general principles, in its circumference as well as in its contents. This was required for metaphysics in order to construct its system according to a reliable method.

    But I fear that the execution of Hume's problem in its widest extent (viz., my Critique of the Pure  Reason) will fare as the problem itself fared, when first proposed. It will be misjudged because it is misunderstood, and misunderstood because men choose to skim through the book, and not to think through it-a disagreeable task, because the work is dry, obscure, opposed to all ordinary notions, and moreover long-winded. I confess, however, I did not expect, to hear from philosophers complaints of want of popularity, entertainment, and facility, when the existence of a highly prized and indispensable cognition is at stake, which cannot be established otherwise, than by the strictest rules of methodic precision. Popularity may follow, but is inadmissible at the beginning. Yet as regards a certain obscurity, arising partly from the diffuseness of the plan, owing to which. The principal points of the investigation are easily lost sight of, the complaint is just, and I intend to remove it by the present Prolegomena.

    The first-mentioned work, which discusses the pure faculty of reason in its whole compass and bounds, will remain the foundation, to which the Prolegomena, as a preliminary, exercise, refer; for our critique must first be established as a complete and perfected science, before we can think of letting metaphysics appear on the scene, or even have the most distant hope of attaining it.

    We have been long accustomed to seeing antiquated knowledge produced as new by taking it out of its former context, and reducing it to system in a new suit of any fancy pattern under new titles. Most readers will set out by expecting nothing else from the Critique; but these Prolegomena may persuade him that it is a perfectly new science, of which no one has ever even thought, the very idea of which was unknown, and for which nothing hitherto accomplished can be of the smallest use, except it be the suggestion of Hume's doubts. Yet even he did not suspect such a formal science, but ran his ship ashore, for safety's sake, landing on skepticism, there to let it lie and rot; whereas my object is rather to give it a pilot, who, by means of safe astronomical principles drawn from a knowledge of the globe, and provided with a complete chart and compass, may steer the ship safely, whither he listeth.

    If in a new science, which is wholly isolated and unique in its kind, we started with the prejudice that we can judge of things by means of our previously acquired knowledge, which., is precisely what has first to be called in question, we should only fancy we saw everywhere what we had already known,. the expressions, having a similar sound, only that all would appear utterly metamorphosed, senseless and unintelligible, because we should have as a foundation out own notions, made by long habit a second nature, instead of the author's. But the longwindedness of the work, so far as it depends on the subject, and not the exposition, its consequent unavoidable dryness and its scholastic precision are qualities which can only benefit the science, though they may discredit the book.

    Few writers are gifted with the subtlety, and at the same time with the grace, of David Hume, or with the depth, as well as the elegance, of Moses Mendelssohn. Yet I flatter myself I might have made my own exposition popular, had my object been merely to sketch out a plan and leave its completion to others instead of having my heart in the welfare of the science, to which I had devoted myself so long; in truth, it required no little constancy, and even self-denial, to postpone the sweets of an immediate success to the prospect of a slower, but more lasting, reputation.

    Making plans is often the occupation of an opulent and boastful mind, which thus obtains the reputation of a creative genius, by demanding what it cannot itself supply; by censuring, what it cannot improve; and by proposing, what it knows not where to find. And yet something more should belong to a sound plan of a general critique of pure reason than mere conjectures, if this plan is to be other than the usual declamations of pious aspirations. But pure reason is a sphere so separate and self- contained, that we cannot touch a part without affecting all the rest. We can therefore do nothing without first determining the position; of each part, and its relation to the rest; for, as our judgment cannot be corrected by anything without, the validity and use of every part depends upon the relation in which it stands to all the rest within the domain of reason.

    So in the structure of an organized body, the end of each member can only be deduced from the full conception of the whole. It may, then, be said of such a critique that it is never trustworthy except it be perfectly complete, down to the smallest elements of pure reason. In the sphere of this faculty you can determine either everything or nothing.

    But although a mere sketch, preceding the Critique of Pure Reason, would be unintelligible, unreliable, and useless, it is all the more useful as a sequel. For so we are able to grasp the whole, to examine in detail the chief points of importance in the science, and to improve in many respects our exposition, as compared with the first execution of the work.

    After the completion of the work I offer here such a plan which is sketched out after an analytical method, while the work itself had to be executed in the synthetical style, in order that the science may present all its articulations, as the structure of a peculiar cognitive faculty, in their natural combination. But should any reader find this plan, which I publish as the Prolegomena to any future metaphysics, still obscure, let him consider that not every one is bound to study metaphysics, that many minds will succeed very well, in the exact and even in deep sciences, more closely allied to practical experience, while they cannot succeed in investigations dealing exclusively with abstract concepts. In such cases men should apply their talents to other subjects. But he who undertakes to judge, or still more, to construct, a system of metaphysics, must satisfy the demands here made, either by adopting my solution, or by thoroughly refuting it, and substituting another. To evade it is impossible.

    In conclusion, let it be remembered that this much-abused obscurity (frequently serving as a mere pretext under which people hide their own indolence or dullness) has its uses, since all who in other sciences observe a judicious silence, speak authoritatively in metaphysics and make bold decisions, because their ignorance is not here contrasted with the knowledge of others. Yet it does contrast with sound critical principles, which we may therefore commend in the words of Virgil:
    " Ignavum, fucos, pecus a praesepibus arcent. "
    "Bees are defending their hives against drones, those indolent creatures. " MsSVig

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    English:
    The Sanctuary of Eleusis, near Athens, was the center of a religious cult that endured for nearly two thousand years and whose initiates came from all parts of the civilized world. Looking at the tendency to "see visions," C. Kerenyi examines the Mysteries of Eleusis from the standpoint not only of Greek myth but also of human nature. Kerenyi holds that the yearly autumnal "mysteries" were based on the ancient myth of Demeter's search for her ravished daughter Persephone--a search that he equates not only with woman's quest for completion but also with every person's pursuit of identity. As he explores what the content of the mysteries may have been for those who experienced them, he draws on the study of archaeology, objects of art, and religious history, and suggests rich parallels from other mythologies.

    Spanish:
    Situado cerca de Atenas, el santuario de Eleusis fue un centro de culto al que, durante casi dos mil años, acudieron gentes de todas las partes del mundo civilizado para recibir la iniciación. Karl Kerényi analiza en este ensayo los Misterios de Eleusis desde la perspectiva específica del mito griego; y sostiene que los anu ales misterios otoñales estaban basados en el antiguo mito de Deméter y en la busca de su hija Perséfone, raptada por Hades; pero esta búsqueda no sólo refleja a la mujer que persigue la plena realización, sino también la prosecución más profunda de todo ser humano en busca de su verdadera identidad más allá de las apariencias. Kerényi explora magistralmente lo que pudo haber sido el contenido de los misterios eleusinos para quienes los vivieron, basándose en los estudios realizados en arqueología, historia del arte y de las religiones, sugiriendo fecundos paralelismos con elementos de otras mitologías. MsSVig

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    The Preface:

    The following pages are a modest attempt to bring before
    the public certain documents of great importance for
    the understanding of the growth and development of the
    Christian religion. They are not new, almost all of them
    having been translated at one time or another into English,
    French, German, or Italian: but they are all practically
    unknown save to scholars, are all fragmentary, and with
    hardly an exception, are difficult to understand without a
    running commentary. In these circumstances, I have ventured
    to follow, not for the first time, the advice given by Sir Gaston
    Maspero to his pupils in one of his luminous lectures at the
    College de France. "If" said in effect that great master of
    archaeology, "you find yourselves in the presence of scattered
    and diverse examples of any monument you cannot understand
    —funerary cones, amulets of unusual form, hypocephali, or
    anything else—make a collection of them. Search museums,
    journals of Egyptology, proceedings of learned societies, until
    you think they have no more novelties of the kind to offer you.
    Then put those you have collected side by side and study them.
    The features they have in common will then readily appear and
    in a little time you will find that you will perceive not only the
    use of the objects in question, but also the history of their
    development, their connexion with each other, and their
    relative dates." This has been the end aimed at in this book;
    and although, like most aims in this world, it has not been
    perfectly achieved, it may, I think, be said with confidence
    that these documents explain and supplement one another in
    a remarkable degree, and that in the majority of cases sense
    can now be read into what at first sight seemed to be nonsense.
    As more fragments of the same kind come to light, also, one
    has fair reason to hope that those points which are still obscure
    may be made clear.

    The system of references adopted perhaps calls for some
    explanation. As I have no right to expect my readers to take
    what I say for gospel, I should have preferred to give my
    authority for every statement made by me in the text. But
    there are often many authorities supporting the same statement,
    and some discrimination between them was necessary unless
    these two volumes were to be swollen to an intolerable length.
    The same consideration for brevity, too, has often led me to
    quote at second or third hand rather than at first. References
    to well-known passages in the more widely read classical writers
    and Christian Fathers are not needed by scholarly readers,
    while to others they are difficult to check or verify. I have
    therefore deliberately and of choice preferred the less recondite
    sources to the more recondite, and have never hesitated to
    refer the reader to encyclopaedias, popular lectures, and the
    works avowedly addressed to the general public of writers
    like Renan and Mahaffy, rather than to the sources from which
    they have themselves drawn their information. In so doing,
    however, I have never consciously failed to check the statement
    quoted with the original source, and to see, so far as in me lay,
    that it correctly represents its purport. A fairly long experience
    has convinced me that to many readers the "Apoll. Rhod.
    ac Nigid. Schuster, p.41" and the "Clemens de div. serv.
    Su 20" dear to certain German professors and their English
    admirers mean very little, and to the greater public nothing
    At all. For the translations which appear in the text or notes
    I have gleaned from all sources, but, except where expressly
    mentioned, I must personally accept all responsibility for them,
    and in cases in which any doubt seemed possible I have generally
    added the words of the original document.

    Finally, I have not attempted to impress my own opinion
    on my readers, but merely to give them the material on which
    they can form their own; and where I have found myself in
    doubt as to what the facts of the case really were, I have never
    scrupled to say so. This is not a counsel of perfection, but
    the one which on the whole seemed to me best. If by doing
    so I have succeeded in sending to the documents themselves
    a few readers hitherto ignorant of them, I shall think I have
    not wasted my time. MsSVig

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    A definitive series of talks by two acknowledged masters of consciousness exploration on uses of the flotation tank.


    "I slip into the tank and close the door -- shutting off the last I'll know of light and noise. I can't see or hear a thing. It's a bit disconcerting, not knowing if my eyes are open or shut, but as for the unearthly lack of sound, I find I miss life's constant background noises about as much as one might miss a toothache.

    Sensory deprivation?
    They should call this sensory relief!

    Immediately, I feel myself awash in a tropical, silken sea. I'm floating in only ten inches of heated water and I'm able to lie I please without submerging. Centering myself easily, I'm unaware of any walls. The freedom of near weightlessness is what feels best of all, though -- a playfully pleasurable sensation. Now I know why astronauts on TV news reports are always smiling." - Cosmopolitan MsSVig

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    Introduction of the author:

    Sir John Dee of Gladhill!  A  name that few people will   ever  have  heard  of !   It   was
    about   25  years  ago  that   I   first   read  the  story   of   his  life  -  a  life  so  adventurous,  so
    fantastic,  so  moving   an d  terrible  that   I   have  never  found  anything   to  compare  with
    it.  The  account   so  etched  itself   on   my   soul   that   as  a  romantic  young   man   I   used  to
    wander  up  to  the  Alchemists'  Lane  on   the  castle  hill   in   Prague  and  daydream   of
    John   Dee  coming   out   of   one  of   the  dilapidated  doors  of   the  crooked  little  houses
    and  speaking   to  me  of   the  mysteries  of   alchemy ;   not   of   the  alchemy   by   which   man
    seeks  to  solve  the  riddle  of   how  to  make  gold  from   base  metal s,  but   of   the  occult
    art   by  which   he  strives  to  transform   himself   from  mortal   clay   into  a  being   that   will
    never  lose  its self-awareness.  There  were  months  on   end  when   the  figure  of John
    Dee  seemed  to  have  been   purged  from   my   memory ,  but   then ,  often   in   dreams,  it
    would  reappear ,  distinct ,  clear  and  ineradicable.  These  dreams  were  rare  but
    regular ,  not   unlike  the  29  February   in   a  leap  y ear  that   you   have  to  imagine
    composed  of   four  separate  quarters  before  you   can   call   it   a  whole  day .  We  are  all
    the  slaves  of   our  ideas,  not   their  creators,  and  later ,  when   I   became  a  writer ,  I
    knew for certain  that  John  Dee would not  leave me in  peace until  I  had resolved to
    record  his  life-story   in   a  novel .  It   is  now  two  years  since  I   made  the  "resolve"  to
    start   the  novel .  But   whenever  I   sat   down   at   my   desk   I   would  hear  an   inner  voice
    mocking   me,  "You' re  going   t o  write  a  historical   novel?!   Don't   you   realise  that   all
    historical   material   gives  off    the  stench   of   the  grave,  a sickening   smell   of   mouldy
    feathers with  nothing  of  the freshness of  the living  present?! "
    But   as  often   as  I   decided  to  give  up  the  plan ,  "John   Dee"  would  call   me  back   to
    the work , however much  I  tried to resist . Finally  I  solved the problem  by  hitting  on
    the  idea  of   interweaving   the  story   of   a  living ,  contemporary   figure  with   that   of   the
    "dead"  John   Dee,  of   making   the  work   a  double  novel ,  so  to  speak .  --  Am   I   that
    living ,  contemporary   figure?  The  answer  could  be  yes  or  no.  They   say   an   artist
    painting   a  portrait   always  in voluntarily   puts  something   of   his  own   face  into  the
    picture. It  is probably  the same with  writers.

    Who  was  John   Dee?  That   is  what   the  book   is  about.  Suffice  it   to  say   he  was  a
    favourite  of   Queen   Elisabeth   of   England.  He  advised  her  to  make  Greenland  -  and
    North   America  -  subject   to  the  English   crown .  The  plan   had  been   approved,  the
    military   were  waiting   for  orders,  but   at   the  last   minute  the  capricious  Queen
    changed  her  mind.  The  map  of   the  world  would  look   different   today   if   she  had
    followed  Dee's  advice!   At   the  failure  of   the  plan   on   which   he  had  set   his  whole
    life, Dee decided  to conquer a different  country   from   the  terrestrial   "Greenland", a
    country   beyond  the  imagination   of   most   people  today ,  a  "country "  whose  existence
    is mocked today  just  as much  as "America" was at  the time of  Columbus. John  Dee
    set   of f   f or  t his  country ,  as  unwavering   in   his  determination   as Columbus.  But his
    journey   took   him   farther ,  much   farther  than   Columbus,  and  was  more  wearisome,
    more  gruesome,  more  gruelling .  The  bare  recorded  facts  of   Dee's  life  are
    harrowing   enough ,  how  much   more  harrowing   must   the  experiences  have  been   of
    which   we  know  nothing?  Leibnitz   mentions  him ,  but   history   has  decided  t o  ignore
    him :   it   prefers  t o  categorise  anything   it   can not   understand  as  "mad".  But   I   tak e  the
    liberty  of  believing  that  John  Dee was quite the opposite of  "mad".
    One  thing   is  certain :   John   Dee  was  one  of   the  greatest   scholars  of   his  age;   there
    was  no  monarch   in   Europe  who  would  not   have  welcomed  him   at   his  court .
    Emperor Rudolph  brought  him  to Prague where, according   to legend, he made gold
    from   lead.  But ,  as  I   have  already   indicated,  his  most   fervent   endeavours  were  not
    directed  towards  the  transmutation   of   metals  but   towards  another  kind  of
    transmutation . What  that  is I  have tried to demonstrate in  my  novel . MsSVig

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    TABLE OF CONTENTS
    Introduction 1

    Arabic Picatrix
    Book I Chapters 1-4 3
    commentary 23

    The Forms of the Planets
    Book III, Chapter 3 27

    Selected Planetary
    Talisman Translations
    Book II, Chapter 10 28

    Adocentyn, the Talismanic City
    Book IV, Chapter 3 31
    commentary 32

    House based talismans
    Book I, Chapter 5 36
    commentary 46

    Ritual Preparations
    Book III, chapter 7 49
    commentary 54

    Arabic Picatrix
    Planetary Invocations
    Book III, Chapter 8 56
    commentary 66

    Operation of Jupiter
    Picatrix Book III, Chapter 9
    The Jovial FEAST 68
    commentary 69

    Invocation of Perfect Nature
    Book III Chapter 6
    Translated by Nigel Jackson 72
    commentary 75



    INTRODUCTION
    The Picatrix or Ghayat al Hakim, the “Aim of the Wise” is the most
    famous book of astrological magic of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Attributed
    to the Arabic author Al-Majriti, the Picatrix was composed, according to the Arabic
    translation that follows, between AD 954 and 959. It was compiled, according to the
    preamble, from 200 previous works of magic, astrology and philosophy. Composed in
    Andalusia, Islamic Spain, it was translated into Castilian and
    then Latin 1256 at the court of Alphonso the Wise of Castile.

    The Picatrix differs from other medieval and Renaissance grimoires or books of
    magic in being much more philosophical in orientation. Typical grimoires like the
    Greater and Lesser Keys of Solomon are almost entirely focused on practice, while Picatrix
    spends a great deal of time delving into the philosophical background behind magic. Picatrix
    also stands apart in its heavy reliance on astrology, both as a means of timing the creation of
    astrological talismans and as a universal method of classification.

    Our first translation from the Arabic Picatrix focuses on the relationship between
    the One and the multiplicity of existent beings. Knowledge of this relationship,
    says Picatrix, is the key to magic. Our next translations, on the forms of the planets and
    selected planetary talismans, introduce us to the use of the planets in talismanic magic. The
    next translation, that of house based talismans, takes us to another level in complexity,
    requiring the full range of traditional astrological magical skill, but producing very powerful
    full chart talismans.

    The translations of ritual preparations and planetary invocations begin our study of
    Picatrixritual, a necessary concomitant to the physical production of talismans.
    Finally the selected translations ends with two very interesting and specific rituals, that of the
    operation of Jupiter and of the invocation of Perfect Nature. Once again the focus is on the
    relationship between the One and the many, in this case the mage seeks to become a mirror
    of that relationship uniting himself with his Almuten Figuris, the planetary ruler of his chart,
    in order to replicate the unity of the Macrocosm and Microcosm with the practical purpose
    of doing works of magic.
    MsSVig

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    A GNOSTIC GOSPEL
    (WITH
    EXTEACTS FEOM
    THE BOOKS OF THE SAVIOUR
    APPENDED)
    ORIGINALLY TRANSLATED FEOM GREEK INTO
    COPTIC AND NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME
    ENGLISHED FEOM SCHWARTZE'S LATIN VERSION OF THE ONLY KNOWN COPTIC MS. AND
    CHECKED BY AMELINEAU'S FRENCH VERSION
    WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY G. R. S. MEAD
    B.A. M.R.A.S.

    Pistis Sophia is an important Gnostic text discovered in 1773, possibly written between the 3rd and 4th centuries AD. The remaining manuscript, which scholars place in the late 4th century, relates the Gnostic teachings of the transfigured Jesus to the assembled disciples (including his mother Mary, Mary Magdalene, and Martha), when the risen Christ had accomplished eleven years speaking with his disciples. In it, the complex structures and hierarchies of heaven familiar in Gnostic teachings are revealed.

    The text proclaims that Jesus remained on earth after the resurrection for 11 years, and was able in this time to teach his disciples up to the first (i. e. beginner) level of the mystery. It starts with an allegory paralleling the death and resurrection of Jesus, and describing the descent and ascent of the soul. After that it proceeds to describe important figures within the Gnostic cosmology, and then finally lists 32 carnal desires to overcome before salvation is possible.

    The female divinity of Gnosticism is Sophia, a being with many aspects and names. She is sometimes identified with the Holy Spirit itself but, according to her various capacities, is also the Universal Mother, the Mother of the Living or Resplendent Mother, the Power on High, She-of-the-left-hand (as opposed to Christ, understood as her husband and he of the Right Hand), as the Luxurious One, the Womb, the Virgin, the Wife of the Male, the Revealer of Perfect Mysteries, the Holy Dove of the Spirit, the Heavenly Mother, the Wandering One, or Elena (that is, Selene, the Moon). She was envisaged as the Psyche of the world and the female aspect of Logos. MsSVig

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    Kurt Rudolph
    Gnosis: Wesen und Geschichte einer spätantiken Religion
    (Gnosis: The Nature and History of a late-antique Religion)

    GNOSIS: The Nature & History of Gnosticism by Kurt Rudolph is arguably the definitive document on that branch of Judaeo-Christian Gnosticism, which has survived uninterrupted to the present time. Rudolph bases his work on numerous original Gnostic sources including the writings of the early "Church Fathers;" and The Corpus Hermeticum, The Pistis Sophia, The Hymn of the Pearl; various extracts from Mandean literature and, of course, the Nag Hammadi (the Judaeo-Christian Gnostic Texts, discovered in 1947)

    Rudolf states that the underlying theme of this traditional Gnosticism is (1) Revolt against both the natural and socio-political order, and (2) the belief that the only salvation from the world of darkness lies in the individual ability to unite with the Originating Consciousness through direct Knowledge (Gnosis).



    The world is the product of a divine tragedy, a disharmony in the realm of God, a baleful destiny in which man is entangled and from which he must be set free.
    (p. 66)

    The use of the masculine pronoun is specific here, as that branch of Gnosticism described in this book is ascetic and male oriented—at least in its early, possibly pre-Christian stage.

    The more closely Gnosticism became identified with the growing Christian Establishment—that is, as an alternative to it —and moved from Palestine to Alexandria and Rome — the more women found a spiritual and intellectual haven in its esoteric doctrines. As the text progresses into later manifestations of Gnostic Philosophy, Rudolph also documents examples of more tolerant, even libertine Gnostic sects.

    The role of the feminine spiritual element, however, was pronounced in all branches of Gnosticism, symbolized in Pistis (Faith) and Sophia (Wisdom):

    Sophia...wished to work alone, without her consort.
    [p. 73]


    The "consort" is the Demiurge, or false god [p.78] whose formula can be expressed as:
    12 angels [the Zodiac]
     x 7 angels each = 84
     x 3 powers = 252
    + 108 = 360 or a solar year. MsSVig

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    A list and description of the poets in here:

    Rabia Basri
    717 - 801
    She is one of the first mystic poets whose work hascome down to
    us. Born into a poor family, she became a followerof the famous
    Sufi Hassan of Basra. She was noted for her absolute asceticism
    and many legends are told about her life, often citing her devout
    nature and absorption in God. More interesting than her asceticism,
    however, is Rabia’s concept of divine love. She was the first to
    introduce the idea that God should be loved for Hisown sake and
    not out of fear, as the earlier Sufis had taught.

    Ahmad Jam
    1048 – 1141
    The Sufi writer and poet Ahmad Jam was born in Iran. He is
    revered as a saint. In addition to poetry, he alsowrote books on
    theology.

    Sanai Ghaznavi
    1080 – 1131
    He is the first of the great Sufi teachers and masnavi (extensive
    poem) writers of the Islamic world.

    Fariduddin Attar
    1145 – 1221
    One of the greatest mystic poets of Islam, Attar was born and spent
    most of his long life in north-east Persia. A pharmacist by
    profession, Attar lived in turbulent times, yet managed to survive
    and produce an enormous amount of work on a varietyof subjects
    and themes. It is without doubt that his spirituality sustained and
    inspired all of his writings.

    Jalaluddin Rumi
    1207 – 1273
    Rumi is considered the greatest mystic poet of Islamic literature.
    The great turning point in his life came when he met the wandering
    Sufi mystic Shamsuddin Tabrizi, a spiritual guide who aroused
    Rumi’s passionate devotion. Tabrizi’s mysterious disappearance
    in 1247 led Rumi to produce some of his most inspired verse.

    Iraqi
    died 1289
    Iraqi was the pen-name of the Persian poet Fakhruddin Ibrahim.
    His writings are almost entirely of a mystical and sometimes erotic
    nature. He was a disciple of the famous Sufi saintBahauddin
    Zakariya.

    Amir Khusrow Dehlavi
    1253 – 1325
    Amir Khusrow is one of India’s greatest Persian language poets.
    He is an icon of Indo-Persian and Hindu-Muslim cultural synthesis,
    a great poet and musician who combined Persian withIndian
    indigenous forms.

    Hafiz
    1320 -1389
    Khwaja Shamsuddin Huhammad Hafiz is one of the finest lyric
    peots of Persia. The verse form that Hafiz excelled at was the
    ghazal, his beautiful lyric poems expressing Sufi themes. His
    work remains extremely popular in all Persian-speaking countries.

    Shah Niaz
    1742 – 1834
    Shah Niaz was a Sufi saint born in the Punjab. He wrote poetry in
    Persian, Urdu and Hindi and he is very popular amongst the Sufis
    of the South Asian subcontinent.

    Mian Muhammad Baksh
    1830 – 1907
    Mian Muhammad Baksh is regarded by many Kashmiris as the
    Rumi of Kashmir.

    May your soul be happy;
    journey joyfully.
    -Rumi MsSVig

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    Summary from the book Hidden Intercourse - Eros and Sexuality in the History of Western Esotericism:

    Quote:

    Do you want to know a secret? It is a secret that has been kept intact for centuries, but it is of supreme importance, actually indispensable for understanding the real essence of Christianity and the hidden development of Western culture. It can give you the key to penetrating the core of all religious traditions in the world.

    Here it is: during the Last Supper, it is not bread and wine that Jesus Christ gave to the apostles as symbols of his body and of his blood. What Jesus really offered on that occasion, which was to become the model for the central ceremony of Christianity for centuries to come, was his sperm.

    Since then the practice of spermatophagy (literally, the eating of sperm) has been the central, albeit hidden ritual practice of the Catholic priesthood. But references to this practice can also be found in all the religious traditions of the world.

    What I have just described is, in a nutshell, the thesis that a Belgian spiritualist, the Chevalier Georges Le Clément de Saint-Marcq(1865–1956), presented to the world in a pamphlet first published in1906, L’Eucharistie. Is it possible to think of anything more scandalous,outrageous, indeed bewildering for the average Christian believer,whatever his or her denomination? Yet Le Clément de Saint-Marcqwas intimately convinced that he had discovered a truth of supreme importance for the progress and the welfare of humanity, and that it was his duty to spread it as widely as possible, using all the resources that his intelligence and his personal fortune could offer him. This he did, stubbornly and tirelessly, over a period that spanned most of his adultlife. He had to pay a high price for it, but his unwavering, if eccentric, commitment has made him one of the most enigmatic
    figures in thehistory of modern Western esotericism.



    The introduction to Eucharist, in french:
    Ce texte peut choquer par son côté hors norme, toutefois, il se place de manière sûre dans la tradition gnostique et il faudrait sans doute dépasser nos propres peurs et nos propres intimités mornes afin d’atteindre à la compréhension totale de ce texte. Oeuvre du Coeur et de l’Esprit…

    Note : L’auteur, ancien commandant de la place forte d’Anvers, franc-maçon membre de plusieurs
    ordres occultistes plus hallucinés et creux les uns que les autres, grand amateur de spiritisme (!), passe pour cet « auteur belge » qui, selon Henri Birven, influença fortement Crowley et Reuss sur cette question précise des pratiques de spermatophagie. La consommation de la semence sacrée associée à une forme de théophagie n’est pourtant pas nouvelle ; la symbolique chrétienne s’y prête avec aisance, au travers de la doctrine plus qu’ignorée du Logos Spermatikon (d’autres traditions y font référence ; ainsi, le dieu Skanda naît d’un accouplement de Shiva et Agni, celui-ci absorbant la semence de Shiva par une fellation savante – comme quoi les unions homosexuelles, les dieux montrant l’exemple, peuvent également engendrer des « enfants divins »). L’originalité consiste ici en ce passage de l’ordre symbolique à l’interprétation littérale, plutôt courageux et exceptionnel en contexte chrétien. Que les gnostiques aient pu s’adonner à ces pratiques ne fait aucun doute, mais l’Église catholique… MsSVig

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    This torrent is the result of a successful GB... sharing elsewhere will result in being banned!


    GB Name: Erle Montaigue- Taji , Bagua , Qigong Qi disruption Dvd collection ( Tajiworld)
    GB Thread:Here

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    MTG356 Inside Qigong: The Secrets: Volume 1

    Erle Montaigue’s first Qigong retreat/camp where he teaches the intricate details of the secrets behind gaining the greatest benefit from the practice of Qigong for healing and for self defence. The Mother 3 circle Qigong is given in great detail as well as the specific breathing methods using certain dim-mak points. Many different qigong methods are taught and practiced.

    MTG357 Inside Qigong: The Secrets: Volume 2

    Erle Montaigue’s first Qigong retreat/camp where he teaches the intricate details of the secrets behind gaining the greatest benefit from the practice of Qigong for healing and for self defence. The Mother 3 circle Qigong is given in great detail as well as the specific breathing methods using certain dim-mak points. Many different qigong methods are taught and practiced.

    MTG360 Inside Qigong: The Secrets: Volume 3

    Erle Montaigue continues his series covering some advanced Qigong methods in order to gain the power for healing and fighting. He teaches the last 4 of the Bagua Qigong walking methods as well as many other Qigong exercise for health and self defence. Taken both at Erle’s recent Qigong camp as well as at his Instructor’s workshop in Leicester in June 2009.

    MTG364 Inside Qigong: The Secrets: Volume 4

    Erle Montaigue continues his series covering some advanced Qigong methods in order to gain the power for healing and fighting. This volume was filmed at Erle’s annual Summer Camp 2009. Includes 3 very powerful Qigong methods of “Opening and Closing”, “Lift Heaven & Open Earth” and “Fire” Qigong. These three performed one after each other have a huge positive effect upon the whole energy (Qi) system of the body. MsSVig

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